Arabic Military - In other words, the growing conflict with Iran and the unprecedented rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham inspired the Arab League. But some doubts are due to the new power to become a pillar of regional stability.
Such involvement is expensive and governments in the Middle East have spent a lot of money to support their armed forces, while the Gulf states in particular are engaged in an arms race. By far, the biggest spender is Saudi Arabia.
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Last year, Riyadh's defense budget was more than the top five spenders in the region (Iraq, Israel, Iran, Algeria, Oman), according to the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS). The Middle East and North Africa are often seen as one of the most unstable regions in the world.
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Indeed, the Institute for Economics and Peace says it is the most violent region on the Global Peace Index. Lower scores are better in the GFP index. There is a very good score of 0.0000, although the closest country is the United States, which is at the top of the ranking with a score of 0.0857.
In the Middle East, there are many results, with Mauritania doing the best at one level, with a score of 4.2664 which is fourth out of 130 countries in the world. Moving up the ranking, but not high enough to break the top ten in the region despite the fact that income has increased in recent years, is Qatar, with 1.8943.
Also missing in the upper echelons is Jordan, whose soldiers are often considered the most capable in the region. It is ranked 13th in the MENA region, with a score of 1.2024. The giant of the region, especially in terms of its military budget that surpasses any other rival, Saudi Arabia's giant GFP of 0.4302 puts it in fifth place in the region.
The amount of money that Riyadh spends every year means that the country has the best military equipment in the region outside of Israel. Participation in Yemen's civil war over the past three years has given its army a chance to win, but its failure to defeat its Houthi rivals has also raised questions about the strength of the Saudi military.
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Not surprisingly, given the civil wars in Iraq, Libya, Syria and Yemen, as well as terrorist attacks in Egypt's Sinai Peninsula, the violence between Israel and the neighboring Palestinian territories, including the occasional explosion in Iran and
Saudi Arabia. and elsewhere. . Morocco has the fifth largest armed force in the region, with 175,000 soldiers and another 13,000 in the air force and 7,800 in the navy. However, it also has one of the lowest revenues, at only $3.5bn in 2017. Despite this, it receives a GFP score of 0.8702.
The country's military has gained useful information due to political instability in neighboring areas, especially the disputed part of Western Sahara in the south, as well as limited information from afar, including as part of the
Saudi-led coalition in Yemen. . Increased investment in its armed forces is expected in the coming years, with the help of Saudi Arabia. Many major conflicts have become battlegrounds where governments are testing the capabilities of their rivals.
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In Yemen, for example, the alliance involving Saudi Arabia, the UAE and others is fighting to restore the government of President Abed Rabbou Mansour Hadi while Iran has provided support to the main group of opposition, known as the Houthi rebels.
In Syria, the forces of Iran, Turkey and others have been heavily involved with numerous rebel groups. However, the expected military strength of the Arab League will have a very negative effect on sectoral relations in the greater Middle East.
After all, the announcement came as the Saudi-led coalition continues to bomb Iran-backed rebels in Yemen and as Western negotiators rush to finalize a nuclear deal with Iran. 1 There is no publicly available data on the number of soldiers serving in the Gulf countries.
From 2011 to 2019, the author conducted more than 150 interviews in this area with academics, soldiers, politicians and security experts, on these topics and more. These interviews show that foreign militaries play a large and important role in military-to-military relations in all the Arab states of the Gulf.
The use of military personnel also highlights issues of identity and citizenship, a key factor in the Gulf's political landscape. Foreign officers and NCOs, who are primarily involved in advisory and training activities, are employed through two separate arrangements.
The deployed personnel are members of foreign armed forces and are seconded to the GCC military to provide expertise, skills and leadership. They remain subject to the laws and regulations of their home country, but are paid by the host government and wear the uniform of the unit they serve.
Their number in recent years has been low; in the United Arab Emirates, for example, there were five British nationals sent in 2015. The contract workers, on the other hand, left the work of their country.
More than 99 percent of foreign soldiers in the Gulf are in this category. Although in recent years the revenues from the exports of hydrocarbons in the Gulf have decreased and the supplies of the countries have decreased slightly, these developments have not had a significant impact on their use of forces
foreigners In fact, the expansion of foreign and military policies of other GCC countries - combined with significant increases in defense budgets, arms purchases and investments in defense industries - suggests that there is no reason to
expect major changes in foreign affairs. soldiers in the area in the future. Their long-term presence in Arabia is likely to continue. Considered by the GFP as the strongest in the MENA region with a score of 0.2491, the Turkish army has been facing difficulties for several years, with many police officers being dismissed after the failure of the
government in July 2016. particularly affected by the war in neighboring Syria, until the end of the Afrin campaign that began in January 2018. The country also has important foreign military ties with Qatar and Somalia, deploying troops in both countries.
Not only are they seen as the most powerful military in the MENA region, they are ranked eighth in the world, ahead of Germany and one place below Japan. To date, the details of the Arab army in question are not clear.
The meeting asked the leaders of the participating countries to prepare a plan that will be presented to the Joint Defense Council of the Arab League in three months. Until then, the size and nature of expected power can be gauged through press releases.
Officials say it has more than 40,000 elite troops, backed by naval and air defense capabilities. Saudi Arabia is expected to provide most of the capital, and Egypt is expected to provide a large portion of the labor force.
Some Arab countries, such as Jordan, the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait, contribute less. The headquarters must be in Riyadh or Cairo. No such organization has ever existed. Although member states have registered EU "military forces" for humanitarian and peacekeeping operations, these troops have never been deployed.
The reason: a common European army should be the cause of European foreign policy, not the initiator. Imagine the challenges that will arise in the Arab League. At first glance, the idea of the Arab League seems admirable.
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi hailed the decision as a historic step in the fight against terrorism and "to protect the security of the Arab world." The Secretary General of the Arab League, Nabil Elaraby, celebrated the decision as a breakthrough for "unprecedented unrest and threats facing the Arab world", and the Secretary of Defense of the United States Ashton Carter has
welcomed the plan as "a good thing". On the day of the Saudi government al-Riyadh announced the revival of the Arab League as a "resurrected body, speaking, acting". Countries with sufficient funds but an insufficient number of citizens willing to join the military have long used foreign soldiers.
Such non-native soldiers served in Arabia long before they entered British territory. With the exception of Saudi Arabia, the Gulf monarchies have few people who limit their ability to strengthen their security and existing citizens. That pool itself is narrow because, like everywhere else in the world, rich guys don't find the hard life of the military interesting and have no financial incentive to join.
Although the Gulf is full of changes - from the international military of men and foreign policies to the reduction of oil revenues and defense costs - demographic and political realities cause foreign forces to stay in the Gulf.
Source: ar.vogue.me
Last week, Sharm el-Sheikh hosted the 26th meeting of the Arab League. It ended with a bang. In a final statement, the 22-nation Arab League announced the creation of a "joint Arab army" to deal with regional security challenges.
With so many hostile neighbors, Israel has always felt the need to ensure that its military forces are superior to anything it could face in war. The Israeli military is the best equipped, best trained and most capable in the region according to the IISS, largely due to continued heavy support from the United States.
However, the country's GFP score of 0.3476 still puts it behind the other two in the region. Iran has more armed men than any other country in the region, with 350,000 in the army, 18,000 in the navy, 30,000 serving in the air force and another 125,000 in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)
. Years of international sanctions have prevented them from acquiring much of their equipment from abroad, forcing them to restructure and establish a large defense industry at home. His army also seems very strong in asymmetric battles.
The Iranian military, particularly the IRGC's elite Al Quds Force, has contributed heavily to the wars in Syria and Iraq and Tehran has also provided support to the Houthi rebels in Yemen. Iran's GFP score of 0.3933 puts it ahead of all its neighbors.
Money is not what is used to judge the strength of a country's military. The quality and quantity of equipment and training are important factors, as are the number of soldiers, sailors and pilots who can be called upon in an emergency.
The Global Firepower Index (GFP) weighs more than 50 factors, including a range of weapons, manpower and the capabilities of local defense companies, to come up with its best fighting force ranking. all over the world.
Military contractors and foreign advisers play an important role in the Gulf War. They do not give a little head to the rulers of the Gulf countries - although they have never had a problem, as the Pakistani group in Bahrain has shown - and they have given the necessary resources to their soldiers.
For military-military relations in the GCC countries, trust in the military has often been beneficial, reinforcing the strength and expertise of the local military, allowing the military leadership to transfer work to contractors that no one
of its citizens would not be willing to do, and recruit foreigners to support the fighting forces in Yemen. The recent military emergency in Kuwait, Qatar and the UAE is somewhat complicated in the practice of recruiting foreign soldiers: the law was established mainly for social and political reasons, not military.
Source: image.cnbcfm.com
According to some sources, in 2016 the military constituted between 25 percent and 50 percent of the Kuwaiti army, but all National Guard personnel were citizens. (This number includes stateless bidun, who are not foreigners, but local people descended from migrants who have not applied for citizenship.) However, some experts insist that the number of foreigners among the electorate remains close to 80 percent
. Coalition forces in Kuwait include many Saudis, some of whom have applied for Kuwaiti citizenship as soon as the law allows. Due to demographic and economic pressures and the restoration of official military service, many foreign military contracts have not been renewed in recent years.
With a GFP score of 0.9087, the UAE ranks above most of its Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) neighbours, including Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman and Qatar. The IISS considers the country's armed forces to be "the most well-trained and capable of the GCC countries."
They have found valuable experience in Afghanistan, Libya and Yemen in recent years and the country's special forces are interested in the amphibious attack to capture the Yemeni port city of Aden in July 2015. However, the
UAE army is still small. , with 63,000 employees. In fact, last week's announcement led to the removal of Shia Arabs from Mesopotamia to the Levant from the heart of the organization, thus widening the divide between Arab countries.
As a result, the Arab League may be more effective, but it will be less inclusive and inclusive. Actions will be by division. The number of people from the Gulf who work as soldiers in other GCC states is so unknown that we cannot say, but it is reasonable to say that the Omanis - who have a reputation for their education and discipline - are the most
numerous. They are known to serve as military personnel in every army in the Gulf, but the Omani army is the largest in its neighbor, the UAE, where Omani soldiers make up about 60 percent of the army at the end
of the 1990s. In addition to the armed forces and conscripts, the armed forces of Qatar are largely armed forces (up to 85 percent) from allied forces, mainly from Pakistan and Sudan and, more recently, from Colombia.
In 2016, Doha recruited 6,000 Somali soldiers and at least 360 Sudanese to join its security forces. Almost all low-level and low-level military jobs - cooks, cleaners, janitors, maintenance workers, etc. in Qatar, as in the UAE and Kuwait, they are made by foreigners.
American entrepreneurs trained foreign soldiers for the Qataris, who were recruited in Turkey and Jordan to be deployed in various places, including Libya and, in 2015, Yemen. The disagreement between citizens and refugees over Qatar's armed forces has been a major issue since 2017. Doha launched a large military force in response to the Saudi-UAE threats, but it was not clear who would use all the weapons
Source: d1ldvf68ux039x.cloudfront.net
advances that you acquire. Today is a different game. Damascus was already suspended from the Arab League when the Syrian civil war broke out and was unlikely to oppose the proposal, but both Beirut and Baghdad expressed reservations.
This is not surprising, as both countries have large Shia populations and strong Shia parties. Therefore, on the last day of the conference, Secretary General Elaraby was forced to announce the opposition of Iraq "due to the lack of initial discussions of this project".
Shortly after, Ibrahim al-Jaafari, Iraq's foreign minister, warned of an "Arab-Arab conflict" and the opening of a "new page of war", referring to the intervention of Saudi King Salman in Yemen. Similarly, the Lebanese government urged the Arab League to hold "coordinated Arab elections", which echoed Hezbollah's previous criticism of the intervention in Yemen as "unjust aggression".
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The Iraqi army, police and Al Hashd al Shaabi militia stage a military demonstration as ... [+] part of the victory over the Islamic State, in Baghdad, Iraq, on December 10, 2017. (Photo: Murtadha Sudani / Anadolu Agency / Getty Images) In a ForeignAffairs.com article a year ago, I wrote about the declining role of the Arab League in regional politics.
I said that the Arab League must "transform from an inactive forum for discussion to a forum for real decision-making." At that time, he hoped that the disaster that had happened in Syria "will do to the Arab League what Rwanda is doing. Genocide in the African Union." In 2004, inspired by the humanitarian crisis, the African Union left its
policy of non-intervention and state control by establishing the 15th Peace and Security Council to "prevent, solve and resolve conflicts". , especially in Balochistan province. There are also many Bangladeshi soldiers who have alliances in the Gulf.
For example, the Kuwaiti army has a Bangladeshi army to fulfill support roles (operations, maintenance, maintenance). Bangladesh also accompanies the UAE forces. in Yemen, they build their tents, carry water, and do other technical tasks. Ironically, the Saudi-UAE side of the war in Yemen has become a real battlefield, from Colombia and the United States to the
Somalia and Sudan. , the cracks are clear. The Arab League was formed to call new powers into the Joi alliance. nt Defense and Economic Cooperation, which was signed by the founding members of the Arab League in June 1950. After facing defeat in Israel's war of independence, the signatories promised to "develop plans for war
of Israel's independence. The real goal was the newly established Jewish state, and Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Syria and Yemen did not oppose it, although has not taken major steps, that is, if the power is real. The Sunni countries, the conflicts The conflict of decades could not be resolved. Of course, the relationship between Egypt, Qatar and Saudi Arabia is obvious
.For years, I have been at odds with Qatar's support for the Muslim Brotherhood. Doha ambassador in January 2014, and just last week, the Qatari ambassador returned to Cairo. On the one hand, the closure of the groups
Sunnis in Yemen can be against Iran among the various Sunni countries. of how to do well in Libya, Syria, and the areas controlled by the ISI S in Iraq, for example, It will be difficult to answer with a single word It is the former leader who is now in charge of the country - Abdel el Sisi - no it is not surprising that the Egyptian army has power over politics
domestic The defense forces are in the midst of a major modernization program, with new fighter jets, attack helicopters and surface-to-air missiles all being purchased. to the north of the Sinai Peninsula for the last few years.
With a GFP score of 0.2676, Egypt appears to have the second strongest military in the region and the top ten strongest in the world, ahead of Italy and Pakistan.
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